The living conditions of Syrian citizens have been shaken following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. Waves of rising prices have marked the end of the first year of rule by the transitional authority. This has occurred alongside the failure to achieve the safety and security that were promised with the collapse of the dictatorial regime. At the same time, the terrorism designation has been lifted from political figures within the new authority, the U.S. Congress has decided to end sanctions of the Caesar Act, and Syrians are attempting to return to a normal life, like other peoples around the world.

Renewed High Prices

The new Syrian government has reverted to the same economic policies practiced under Bashar al-Assad. Despite repeated statements about incoming funding, investment, and improved income levels for Syrian citizens under the new authority, the government failed its first real test. It reinstated Assad-era policies by announcing electricity price increases of up to sixty times previous rates.

The first consumption tier, up to 300 kilowatt-hours per two-month billing cycle, is subsidized by two-thirds of its production cost. The price per kilowatt-hour has been set at 600 Syrian pounds, equivalent to five U.S. cents. The second tier, exceeding 300 kilowatt-hours, is priced at 1,400 Syrian pounds per kilowatt-hour, equivalent to 13 cents, with the state still covering part of the production cost.

In practice, however, several experts confirm that the price increase effectively represents a full removal of subsidies for the majority of citizens. The first tier, which the government claims is designated for “low-income earners,” is largely hypothetical.

A third tier has been set for entities exempt from electricity rationing—government institutions, companies, and factories requiring continuous power (24/24). The price per kilowatt-hour for this tier is 1,700 Syrian pounds, equivalent to 13 cents. A fourth tier applies to factories with high electricity consumption, such as smelting plants, where the price reaches 1,800 Syrian pounds per kilowatt-hour, or 15 cents.

Immediate reactions emerged in several Syrian cities. The most visible and widespread protest took place in Salamiyah. Protests in Damascus and other cities highlighted the inability of popular social groups to bear the consequences of such decisions, as these increases absorb most of the wage raises granted after the fall of the former regime.

The decision by the telecommunications company Syriatel to raise package prices also triggered widespread anger. Users were shocked by unprecedented increases without any corresponding improvement in service quality. Pricing was restructured in a way that exposed the vast gap between old and new rates.

The weekly package, which includes 200 minutes, 200 messages, and 3 GB of internet, is now sold for 12,000 Syrian pounds, compared to less than 2,000 pounds previously. One of the largest monthly packages—offering 800 minutes, 800 messages, and 75 GB of internet—now costs 300,000 Syrian pounds.

At the same time, data volumes were reduced while prices remained unchanged. The monthly 10 GB package that previously cost 25,000 pounds is now sold with only 1.5 GB at the same price. This constitutes a real price increase and a clear decline in value for consumers. Daily packages relied upon by students and low-income earners, previously costing no more than 500 pounds, were canceled. Today, the weekly option costs 12,000 pounds and the daily option 6,000 pounds, meaning a user needs approximately 180,000 pounds per month to secure internet access.

A comparison between telecommunications services in Syria and those in other Arab countries reveals a stark disparity. Syria records the lowest internet speed in the Arab region, at 3.31 Mbps, alongside the highest cost per megabyte, reaching 8 U.S. dollars. Syrian users therefore pay the highest price for the poorest service quality.

The Ministry of Communications stated in an official announcement that the two companies are “private and financially and administratively independent.” This claim contradicts reality, as both companies report enormous annual profits. Syrian citizens ultimately finance these profits while receiving poor-quality services.

Syriatel announced a net profit of 489 billion Syrian pounds for the first half of 2025 alone and distributed cash dividends to shareholders at an extraordinary rate of 8,840%. Syrian MTN reported net profits of 114 billion Syrian pounds during the same period.

These figures cast serious doubt on company claims regarding rising operational costs and the need for foreign currency. They reveal a clear contradiction between narratives of “insufficiency” and the “abundance” reflected in published financial statements.

The current state of the telecommunications sector in Syria exposes a profound crisis of governance and social justice. There is a stark contrast between billion-pound profits and citizens’ suffering from exorbitant prices and poor services. The absence of fair competition reinforces a vicious cycle that deepens isolation and marginalization. A genuine solution requires political will to restructure the sector, impose strict price regulation, and break the duopoly to guarantee affordable and fair access to telecommunications for all citizens.

Wheat Seeds and Bread As well:  

On November 27 of the current year, the Ministry of Agriculture announced the pricing of wheat seeds at 500 U.S. dollars per ton. According to Qasioun newspaper (issue 1254, December 1, 2025), published by the People’s Will Party, one ton of seeds is sufficient to cultivate 33 dunams. This places the cost of seeds at approximately 15 dollars per dunam.

This figure may appear modest, were it not surrounded by runaway inflation. Farmers pay around 10 dollars per dunam for plowing, about 9 dollars for sowing labor, and no less than 40 dollars for fertilizers.

Before irrigation, spraying, weeding, or accounting for natural disasters or insufficient rainfall, the minimum cost per dunam already reaches approximately 75 dollars. Farmers confirm that real costs—including irrigation, pesticides, treatments, and weeding—range between 90 and 100 dollars per dunam and can easily rise further.

Even in a good season, with an average yield of 400 kilograms per dunam, total returns amount to only 160 dollars. This is because the ministry purchases wheat at 400 dollars per ton—less than the price of seeds themselves and below production costs.

Meanwhile, the General Establishment for Bakeries announced changes to the specifications of subsidized ration bread. The price remains fixed at 4,000 Syrian pounds, the total weight at 1.2 kilograms, the number of loaves reduced from 12 to 10, and the loaf diameter set at 33 centimeters.

Reducing the number of loaves while maintaining total weight theoretically means each loaf is larger and heavier—approximately 120 grams instead of the previous 100. The decision is therefore presented as an attempt to improve quality rather than reduce subsidies, especially given the recent deterioration in bread thickness, size, and taste.

In reality, Syrian citizens continue to suffer from poor-quality bread. Loaves are brittle and crumble easily. With weak oversight and inconsistent bakery performance, exploitation has shifted from price manipulation to reductions in weight and quality.

Under Bashar al-Assad’s rule, the minimum wage stood at 278,910 Syrian pounds—less than 20 U.S. dollars at the time. In June, President Ahmad al-Sharaa issued a decree increasing salaries and pensions by 200%, raising the minimum wage to 750,000 Syrian pounds per month, equivalent to 60 dollars.

A family of five previously required about 70 bread rations per month, costing roughly 35,000 pounds. Today, the same quantity costs approximately 280,000 pounds. Bread expenses have thus risen from less than a quarter of minimum-wage income to nearly 40%.

Fuel price reductions in the past month have had a noticeable impact. Transportation fares within Damascus dropped to roughly two-thirds of previous levels. Prices of consumer goods also declined after the fall of the Assad regime—by up to 50% in some cases—due to market openness and the removal of checkpoints, escort fees, and extortion practices formerly imposed by Fourth Division barriers affiliated with Maher al-Assad.

Goods from neighboring countries have entered the market at significantly lower prices. Nevertheless, international statistics indicate that more than 90% of Syrians live below the poverty line, extreme poverty has reached 66%, unemployment stands at 25%, and approximately 75% of citizens depend on humanitarian aid. According to the World Food Programme, around 12 million Syrians suffer from food insecurity.

Electricity, telecommunications, and seed price hikes reflect compliance with investor conditions aimed at guaranteeing returns. Jonathan Bass, CEO of the U.S. liquefied natural gas company Argent, announced cooperation with Baker Hughes and Hunt Energy to develop a comprehensive plan to restart Syria’s oil, gas, and electricity sectors.

Hundreds of thousands of Syrian families will be unable to pay electricity and internet bills at current prices unless the government adopts gradual increases aligned with wage growth and improved living conditions. Although officials emphasize social justice in the new economic policy, current decisions contradict this principle.

Despite diplomatic progress and efforts to attract investment, the government has failed to prioritize social justice and citizens’ basic needs. Temporary solutions remain possible, especially given that actual production costs per kilowatt-hour are far lower than officially stated.

We, in the Syrian Women’s Political Movement, stand with marginalized groups who will be pushed toward deeper impoverishment and systematic exploitation by rising prices. This is particularly severe for women, whose participation in the labor market has increased under economic pressure while their economic share remains limited and dependency within families persists. The absence of shared responsibility continues to impose compounded suffering at both family and societal levels.

The Political Committee

Syrian Women’s Political Movement